美副總統彭斯揭中共侵略!發聲挺台灣 (中英文演講稿)

【新唐人亞太台 2018 年 10 月 05 日訊】早安新唐人,帶您關心,美國副總統彭斯,在華府智庫發表演說,從軍事、經濟、外交,政治,言論自由層面上,揭露中共侵略,並公開譴責中國共產黨打壓台灣,他強調,台灣民主,為所有華人展示了一條更好的道路,現場響起了長時間掌聲。

美國副總統 彭斯:「中國共產黨已說服三個拉丁美洲國家與台灣斷交,轉而承認北京。這些行動威脅到台灣海峽的穩定,美利堅合眾國對此予以譴責。儘管我們政府將遵守一個中國政策,這是反映在三個聯合公報和《台灣關係法》,美國始終相信,台灣對民主的擁抱為所有華人展示了一條更好的道路。」

美國副總統 彭斯:「中國共產黨,試圖破壞美國今天的學術自由和言論自由。這些以及其它行動加在一起,構成了不斷加劇的壓力,目的是要讓美國的公眾輿論和公共政策,偏離堅持美國優先的川普總統的領導。但是我們向中共統治者發出的訊息是:本屆總統不會退縮。」

好的,彭斯在哈德遜研究所,公開揭露中共正在威逼利誘美國的工商界、學界、媒體界、和政府官員,企圖干預美國選舉,分化美國族群;彭斯強調,跟中共正在美國各地所做的事情相比,俄羅斯正在做的事情,是小巫見大巫。

 

【彭斯演講全文 中文翻譯】

謝謝你的介紹,肯恩(哈德遜研究所總裁兼執行長Kenneth R. Weinstein)。各位董事會成員、白邦瑞博士(Dr. Michael Pillsbury)、我們傑出的嘉賓以及在這裡衷心追求「以各種非傳統方式思考未來」的在座各位。能再次來到哈德遜研究所是我的榮幸。

超過半個世紀以來,哈德遜研究所致力於「促進全球安全、繁榮與自由」。儘管哈德遜的所在地點曾經變動,但有一點不曾改變:你們總是推動著一個重要事實,也就是美國的領導能力照亮眼前道路。

今天,談到領導能力,請容許我在演講一開頭,代表一位在國內外發揮強大領導力的美國卓越領導人-第45屆美國總統唐納.川普,向各位表達問候之意。(掌聲)

從川普總統上任初期,就把我們對中國以及與中國國家主席習近平的關係列為首要議題。去年4月6日,川普總統在海湖俱樂部(Mar-a-Lago)歡迎習近平主席到訪。去年11月8日,川普總統出訪北京,習近平主席熱情迎接。

過去兩年裡,我們的總統與中華人民共和國主席建立了堅實的私人關係,在攸關兩國共同利益的議題上密切合作,最重要的就是促進朝鮮半島非核化。

但我今天來到這裡,是因為美國人民有權利知道,在我說話當下的此刻,北京正運用一種傾整個政府之力的手段,除使用政治、經濟、軍事工具,還包括政治宣傳,目的是對美國遂行影響力以獲取自身利益。

中國比起以往更積極主動地使用這種力量,影響並干預美國的國內政策與政治。

在川普總統領導之下,美國基於那些在殿堂中倡議已久的原則和政策,開始對於中國的行徑展開具有關鍵意義的反擊。

川普總統去年12月發表國家安全戰略,形容一個「強權競賽」新時代的到來。就如我們所寫的,一些國家開始「重繪他們在區域和全球的影響力」,他們並且正在「挑戰美國的地緣政治優勢,試圖改變國際秩序,以符合自身利益」。

在這項戰略中,川普總統明確表達,美國已對中國採取新的政策。我們尋求的這段美中關係,是基於公平、對等與尊重主權等原則,而且我們已採取迅速有力的行動來達成這個目標。

川普總統去年訪問中國時,他有一段話是這麼說的「我們藉此機會,得以加強兩國關係,並改善兩國公民的生活」。我們的未來願景就是建立在過去這段最佳時期之上,當時兩國以公開和友善的態度互相來往。

美國獨立戰爭之後,正當我們這個年輕的國家尋求新的出口市場之際,中國對帶著滿載人參和皮毛的美國商人打開了大門。

當中國歷經屈辱與剝削的「百年國恥」之際,美國拒絕加入列強,主張「門戶開放」政策,如此一來我們能與中國自由貿易,保有他們的國家主權。

當美國傳教士來到中國沿岸傳福音,體驗古老而充滿活力的民間豐富文化,深受感動。他們不僅傳布信仰,同時開創了中國幾所最早、最頂尖的大學。

隨著第二次世界大戰到來,我們身為盟友,為打擊帝國主義而並肩作戰。二戰之後,美國力保中國成為聯合國的常任理事國,成為戰後世界的一股重要影響力。

但是,中國共產黨1949年掌權後不久,開始遂行威權擴張主義。難以想像的是,5年之前我們還並肩作戰,5年之後我們卻在朝鮮半島山區和峽谷中交火。我的父親也在自由前線上見證這場戰役。

然而,就算是殘酷的韓戰都沒能打消兩國恢復人民長期交流的共同願望。中國與美國1972年停止疏遠,不久之後,我們重新建立外交關係並開始經濟往來,美國各所大學培育出新一代中國工程師、商業領袖、學者和官員。

蘇聯垮台之後,我們認為中國勢必成為一個自由國家。21世紀前夕帶著這份樂觀,美國在經濟上向中國敞開大門,帶著中國進入世界貿易組織。

前任政府之所以這麼決定,是希望自由之風蔓延到中國的各個角落。除了經濟之外,更是在政治領域,希望中國能夠對完整的人權概念重拾尊重,包括傳統的自由主義原則、私人財產、個人自由和宗教自由等。但我們的希望均告落空。

自由依然是中國人民遙不可及的一場夢。北京儘管口頭上仍然高唱「改革開放」,但鄧小平這個著名政策已經益發空洞。

過去17年來,中國國內生產總值(GDP)成長9倍,搖身一變成為世界第二大經濟體。這很大程度上源於美國對中國的投資。中國共產黨還使用一系列不符合自由與公平貿易原則的政策,包括關稅、配額、貨幣操控、強制技術轉移、竊取智慧財產以及產業補貼。這些政策在傷害競爭對手的情況下,用來建立中國製造業的基礎,其中犧牲最大的就是美國。

中國種種行徑,使美國產生貿易逆差,去年來到3750億美元,幾乎占了我們全球貿易赤字的一半。就像川普總統本週所說,過去25年來「我們重建了中國」。

現在,藉由「中國製造2025」計畫,中國共產黨試圖控制全世界90%最先進產業,包括機器人、生物科技和人工智慧。為了贏得21世紀的經濟主導權,北京指示政府機構與企業界使用一切必要手段獲取美國的智慧財產權。而智慧財產權正是我們在經濟上取得領導地位的基礎。

北京現在要求許多美國公司交出商業機密,當作是在中國做生意的代價。北京並協調、支持併購美國公司,以獲取他們的創作所有權。最糟糕的是,中國的安全機構在幕後主使,大規模竊取美國科技,包括最尖端的軍事藍圖。藉著這些偷來的技術,中共正大規模地「化玉帛為干戈」。

中國目前軍事開支是亞洲其他國家的總和,北京置於首要地位的目標就是在陸海空甚至外太空削弱美軍的軍事優勢。中國希望將美國趕出西太平洋地區,並試圖阻止我們援助盟友。但是他們將會失敗。

北京行使權勢的方式也前所未見。中國船隻經常在日本掌控的釣魚台列嶼附近巡邏。儘管中國領導人2015年在白宮玫瑰園說過,中國「無意將南海軍事化」,時至今日,北京在人工島上的軍事基地,部署了先進的反艦和防空導彈。

中國本週侵犯行為表露無疑,一艘中國軍艦逼近在南海自由航行的美國狄卡特號(USS Decatur)軍艦,相距不到45碼,迫使我方軍艦迅速轉向以避免碰撞。儘管受到這樣霸道的騷擾,美國海軍將在國際法允許範圍內、國家利益要求下,繼續飛行、航行和作戰。我們不會受到恫嚇,我們不會退卻。(掌聲)

美國曾經希望經濟自由化讓中國與我們和世界建立起更好的夥伴關系,但與此相反,中國選擇了經濟侵略,而這又讓日益壯盛的中國軍隊有恃無恐。

北京也未如我們希望那樣讓自己的人民邁向更大的自由。曾有一度,北京慢慢地走向更大的自由以及對人權的更大尊重。然而近年來,中國朝著控制和壓迫本國人民的方向急轉彎。

如今,中國建立起前所未見的監控國家,範圍越來越廣,越來越具侵入性,而且往往是在美國技術助一臂之力下。他們所說的「中國網路長城」也築得越來越高,嚴重限制著中國人民的資訊自由流通。

到2020年,中國的統治者試圖落實歐威爾式的體系,也就是所謂的「社會信用系統」,建立在幾乎控制人們生活各個層面的制度上。套一句這個計畫藍圖的官方說法,這個系統「讓守信者暢行天下,讓失信者寸步難行」。

在宗教自由問題上,中國的基督徒、佛教徒和穆斯林正在經歷新一波迫害潮的衝擊。

上個月,北京關閉了中國最大的地下教會之一。在全國各地,當局拆毀十字架、焚燒聖經、監禁信徒。北京如今還與教廷達成協議,讓公開宣稱不信神的共產黨在任命天主教主教方面發揮直接作用。對中國的基督徒來說,這些是絕望的時刻。

北京也在打壓佛教。過去十年來,超過150名藏僧為了抗議中國壓制他們的信仰和文化而自焚。在新疆,共產黨在政府拘留營內監禁了多達100萬維吾爾穆斯林。他們在那裡接受晝夜不停的洗腦。拘留營的倖存者描述他們的經歷說,這是北京蓄意要扼殺維吾爾文化並消滅穆斯林信仰。

歷史已經證明,那些壓迫本國人民的國家很少就此住手。北京還試圖將勢力擴展到全世界各地。正如哈德遜研究所(Hudson Institute)的白邦瑞博士(Dr.Michael Philsbury)所寫「中國反對美國政府的行動和目標。實際上,中國正在與美國的盟友和敵人建立自己的關係,與北京的任何和平或正面的意圖背道而馳」。

事實上,中國用所謂的「債務外交」擴大自身影響力。今天,中國為亞洲、非洲、歐洲甚至拉丁美洲的政府提供數千億美元的基礎建設貸款。但這些貸款的條款就算從好的方面來看,也是不透明,而且帶來的利益一面倒地流向北京。

去問問斯里蘭卡,他們借了巨額債務讓中國國企建造商業價值存疑的港口。兩年前斯里蘭卡無法償還貸款,於是北京強迫斯里蘭卡將新建的港口交到中國手裡。這個港口可能很快就要成為中國日益壯大海軍的前沿基地。

在我們的西半球,北京向委內瑞拉腐敗無能的馬杜洛(Nicolas Maduro)政權提供了一條生路,承諾提供50億美元、可以用石油償還的貸款。中國還是委國最大的單一債權人,讓委內瑞拉人民背上了超過500億美元債務。北京還直接支持承諾配合中國戰略目標的政黨和候選人,左右一些國家的政治。

自去年以來,中共已說服3個拉丁美洲國家與台灣斷交,轉而承認北京。這些行動威脅到台灣海峽的穩定,美利堅合眾國對此予以譴責。儘管我們政府將持續遵守3個聯合公報和「台灣關係法」所反映的一個中國政策,美國始終相信,台灣對民主的擁抱為所有華人展示了一條更好的道路。(掌聲)

這只是中國試圖在世界各地推動戰略利益的幾種方式而已,強度與細膩度都在提升。然而,前幾屆政府忽視了中國的行動,在很多情況下,他們反而為虎作倀,不過這樣的日子結束了。

在川普總統的領導下,美利堅合眾國一直在重振美國實力來捍衛我們的利益。

我們正在使世界歷史上最強大的軍隊更為強大。今年稍早,川普總統簽署法律,讓我們的國防經費有了雷根總統時代以來最大的增長,撥款7160億美元,以加強美軍在各領域的實力。

我們正在現代化我們的核武軍火庫。我們正在部署和開發新的先進戰機和轟炸機。我們正在建造新一代航空母艦和作戰艦艇。我們對武裝部隊的投資前所未有。這包括啟動建立美國太空部隊的進程,以確保我們在太空的主宰地位能持續下去。我們已經採取行動,授權加強在網路世界的能力,打造針對我們對手的嚇阻力量。

在川普總統指示下,我們也針對價值2500億美元的中國產品加徵關稅,最高額的關稅特別瞄準了北京試圖取得和掌控的先進產業。總統也明確表示,除非能和中國達成公平與對等的協議,我們還將課徵更多的關稅,甚至可能大幅提高一倍以上。

這些以美國實力展開的行動,帶來重大的衝擊。中國的最大股市今年前9個月跌幅達25%,大部分原因是本屆政府對北京的貿易行徑採取了堅定的立場。

正如川普總統所明示,我們不希望中國的市場遭殃。事實上,我們希望他們的市場繁榮。但是,美國希望北京尋求自由、公平和對等的貿易政策。我們將繼續堅持要求他們這樣做。(掌聲)

可悲的是,中國的統治者到目前為止拒絕走那條道路。美國人民理應知道:為回應川普總統的強硬立場,北京正在推動一場全面協調性行動,以破壞總統、我們的議程和我們國家最珍貴理想的支撐。

今天我想告訴你們,我們瞭解到中國在美國國內所採取的行動,有些是我們從情報評估中蒐集而來,有些是可以公開取得,一切都是事實。

如同我所說過的,就在我們此時說話之際,北京正在傾國家之力來推進影響力並謀取利益。北京正在以更為主動和脅迫性的方式動用這種力量,干預美國的國內政策和政治。

今天,中國共產黨政府正在獎賞或脅迫美國的工商企業、電影製片廠、大學、智庫、學者、記者、地方、各州和聯邦政府官員。

最惡劣的是,中國發起了前所未有的行動,以影響美國公眾輿論、2018年選舉和2020年總統選舉前的環境。坦率地說,川普總統的領導正在奏效,但中國希望美國有個不同的總統。

毋庸置疑,中國正在干預美國的民主運作。就像川普總統上週所說,我們「發現中國試圖干預我們即將到來的(期中)選舉」。

我們的情報圈指出,「中國正鎖定美國的州和地方政府與官員,並利用聯邦政府和地方政府在政策上的分歧。中國正在利用一些可能引起意見分裂的議題,如貿易關稅問題,以推動北京的政治影響力」。

今年6月,北京發出了一份名為宣傳管理通知的敏感文件,當中提出了它的戰略。這項通知的原文說,中國必須精準出擊,分化美國國內不同的群體。

為達此一目的,北京派遣秘密行動人員、幌子組織和宣傳機構來改變美國人對中國政策的看法。我們情報界一位資深職業官員最近告訴我,跟中國正在美國各地所做的事情相比,俄羅斯正在做的事情是小巫見大巫。

一些中國高級官員還試圖把美國一些工商界領袖盼維繫在中國的公司營運願望,作為籌碼來影響他們,要他們譴責我們的貿易作法。最近的一個例子是,他們威脅美國一家大公司說,如果他們拒絕公開發聲反對美國政府的政策,就不批准他們在中國的營業執照。

就影響期中選舉而言,諸位只需要看一看北京針對我們的關稅政策提出的反制關稅就可以了。北京特意鎖定那些可能在2018年選舉中發揮重大作用的行業和州。一種推測是,被中國盯上的郡,超過80%曾在2016年投票支持川普總統;如今,中國希望讓那些選民轉向反對我們的行政當局。

中國還直接訴求美國選民。上個星期,中國政府出資在「狄蒙紀錄報」(Des Moines Register)登了好幾頁的插頁廣告。那份報紙是美國駐中國大使的家鄉愛阿華州主要報紙,也是2018年期中選舉的一個關鍵州。那些廣告的版面設計看上去像是新聞報導,把我們的貿易政策說成是魯莽的、對愛阿華州民眾是有害的。

所幸,美國人不吃這一套。例如,美國農民跟總統站在一起,而且也持續看到他所採取的堅定立場有了實際成果,包括本週達成美國-墨西哥-加拿大協定(USMCA),我們為美國產品大大打開北美市場。USMCA對美國農民和美國製造業者來說是重大勝利。(掌聲)

然而,中國的行動並不僅僅聚焦在影響我們的政策和政治。北京還在採取步驟,利用自身經濟槓桿和巨大市場的誘惑力,對美國商界施加影響力。

北京如今要求在中國經營的美國合資企業在公司內部建立他們所謂的「黨組織」,讓中共在聘僱和投資決策上擁有發言權甚至否決權。

中國當局還對將台灣描述為獨特地理實體或偏離中國西藏政策的美國公司發出威脅。北京因為達美航空公司沒在網站上標示台灣為「中國的一省」,而迫使達美航空公開道歉。北京還逼萬豪(Marriott)開除一名只是對一條有關西藏推文按讚的美國雇員。

北京經常要求好萊塢以非常正面的觀點描繪中國。片廠和製片人沒照做就會受到懲罰。只要電影中批評到中國,哪怕只有小小批評,北京的審查人員都會迅速剪輯或取締。電影「末日之戰」(World War Z)必須刪掉劇本中提到的一種病毒,因為這種病毒源自中國。電影「紅潮入侵」(Red Daw)利用數位技術剪接,把反派人物變成北韓人,而不是中國人。

但是,除了商界和娛樂圈之外,中共還在美國、坦白說是世界各地的宣傳管道砸了數以十億計美元。

中國國際廣播電台如今在美國30多個電台播放對北京友好的節目,很多電台位於美國大城市。中國環球電視網觸及7500多萬美國人,而且電視網直接從中共主子那裡接受行動命令。中國最高領導人視察這家電視網總部時說了這樣的話:「黨和政府主辦的媒體是宣傳陣地,必須姓黨。」

出於這些原因和現況,司法部在上個月下令這家電視網登記為外國代理人。

中共還威脅和拘留那些查探太深入的美國記者的中國家人。中共還封鎖美國媒體機構的網站,並讓我們的記者更難取得簽證。這發生在「紐約時報」刊登了有關中國一些領袖財富狀況的調查報導之後。

但媒體不是中共試圖營造審查文化的唯一領域。學術界也是這樣。

只需看看中國學生學者聯合會就夠了。這個組織在美國各地校園有150多個分會。43萬多名中國人在美國留學,而這些分會協助其中一些人安排社交活動,當中國學生和美國學校偏離中共路線時,他們還會向中國領事館和大使館報告。

在馬里蘭大學,一名中國學生最近在畢業典禮上談到她所謂的「言論自由的清新空氣」。中共官方報紙立刻斥責了她,她在中國嚴格控制的社群媒體上成了遭圍剿的受害者,她的家人也在國內被騷擾。而對馬里蘭大學本身而言,它與中國的交流項目,本是全國數一數二廣泛,突然間從源源不絕變成涓涓細流。

中國還透過其他方式施加學術壓力。北京慷慨地向大學、智庫和學者提供資金,彼此的理解是他們會迴避中共認為危險或冒犯的觀點。中國專家尤其知道,如果他們的研究與北京的口徑相牴觸,他們的簽證將被延遲或拒絕。

連避開中國資助的學者和組織也會被中國鎖定,哈德遜研究所就有親身體會。在你們提出要為一位北京不喜歡的演講者主辦講座後,你們的網站遭到源自上海的重大網路攻擊。哈德遜研究所比多數人都瞭解,中共現今試圖破壞美國的學術自由和言論自由。

這些以及其他行動加在一起,構成了一股不斷加強的力道,目的是要讓美國輿論和公共政策,偏離川普總統堅持「美國優先」的領導。

但我們向中國領導層發出的訊息是:這位總統不會退縮。(掌聲)美國人民不會動搖。我們將持續堅定地捍衛我們的安全和我們的經濟,儘管我們也希望改善與北京的關係。

我們政府將繼續採取果斷行動,保護美國的利益、美國的就業及美國的安全。

在我們重建軍隊的同時,我們將持續維護美國在印太區域的利益。

在我們回應中國的貿易行為之際,我們將持續要求與中國建立自由、公平和互惠的經濟關係。我們將要求北京打破貿易壁壘,履行義務,全面開放經濟,就像我們開放我們的經濟一樣。

我們將繼續對北京採取行動,直到竊取美國智慧財產權的行為永遠消失。我們也將繼續堅定立場,直到北京停止強制技術轉讓的掠奪性作法。我們將保護美國企業的私有財產利益。(掌聲)

為了推動我們自由開放的印度洋-太平洋區域願景,我們正和整個區域中與我們有著共同價值觀的國家建立更強的新連結,從印度到薩摩亞皆是。我們的關係將源於夥伴關係的尊重,而非統治。

我們正在雙邊基礎上達成新的貿易協議,就像上週川普總統與南韓簽署了一項更新版的貿易協議一樣。我們不久也將開始與日本進行歷史性的雙邊自由貿易談判。(掌聲)

我也很高興地報告,我們正在精簡國際發展和金融計畫。我們將提供外國一個公正、透明的選擇,以取代中國的債務陷阱外交。事實上,本週川普總統將把「善用投資導引開發法」(BUILD Act)簽署成為法律。

下個月,我將有幸代表美國在新加坡和巴布亞紐幾內亞,參加東協峰會和亞太經濟合作會議(APEC)。屆時我們將公布新的措施和計畫,以支持一個自由開放的印太區。我將代表總統傳達訊息:美國對印太區的承諾從未如此堅定。(掌聲)

在國內,為了保護我們的利益,我們最近強化了美國外來投資審查委員會(CFIUS),加強我方對中國在美投資的審查,以保護我們的國家安全不受北京掠奪性行為影響。

而談到北京對美國政治和政策的惡意影響和干涉,我們將持續揭露它,無論對方採取何種形式。我們將與社會各階層領導人合作,捍衛我們的國家利益和最珍視的理想。美國人民將扮演決定性角色,而事實上,他們已經發揮作用了。

我們此時齊聚一堂,一種新的共識正在全美興起。越來越多商界領袖的思考範疇不只在下個季度的表現,而且若進入中國市場意味著要交出智慧財產權或協助北京的壓迫行為,他們將會三思而後行,但這需更多人跟進。例如,谷歌(Google)應立即終止研發「蜻蜓」(Dragonfly)應用程式,這款App將加強中共的審查,並損害中國顧客的隱私。(掌聲)

我們也很高興看到更多的記者報導真相,無所畏懼或偏袒,深入探究中國在何處干預我們社會以及背後原因。我們希望美國和全球新聞機構將持續加入行列一同努力。

越來越多的學者也在大聲疾呼,捍衛學術自由,越來越多的大學和智庫也在鼓足勇氣,拒絕北京的橫財,並了解到每一分錢都有相應的要求。我們相信他們的陣容將不斷壯大。

在全國各地,美國人民的警覺越來越高,而且開始欣賞我們政府的行動,以及川普總統重啟美中經濟和戰略關系的領導能力。美國人力挺這樣一個把美國放在第一位的總統。

在川普總統的領導下,我可以向大家保證,美國將堅持到底。中國應該知道,美國人民及兩黨民選官員都很堅定。

正如我們的國家安全戰略所言:我們應該記住,「競爭並不總意味敵對」,而且也不必如此。川普總統已明確表示,我們希望與北京建立建設性關係,共同促進我們的繁榮與安全,而不是分道揚鑣。儘管北京一直在進一步偏離這個願景,中國領導層仍可以改變路線,回歸幾十年前這段關係開始時的改革開放精神。美國人民要的不多;而中國人民應得的也不該僅有如此。

中國作家魯迅經常感嘆他的國家,曾寫道「對於異族歷來只有兩樣稱呼,一樣是禽獸,一樣是聖上」,但從沒有說「他也同我們一樣的」。今日,美國向中國伸出了我們的手。我們希望,北京很快會以行動而不是言詞作為回應,重新尊重美國。但請放心:在我們與中國的關係建立在公平、對等和尊重我們主權的基礎上之前,我們不會手下留情。(掌聲)

有一句古老的中國諺語告訴我們,「人見目前,天見久遠。」。在我們前行時,讓我們以決心和信念追求一個和平與繁榮的未來。對於川普總統領導力的信念以及他與中國主席建立的關係的信念,對於美國人民與中國人民持久友誼的信念,對於老天爺看到未來的信念,在上帝的恩典下,美國和中國將會一起實現這一未來。


謝謝,願上帝保佑您,願上帝保佑美利堅合眾國。(掌聲)

 

【彭斯演講英文稿全文】

Thank you, Ken, for that kind introduction. To the Members of the Board of Trustees, to Dr. Michael Pillsbury, to our distinguished guests, and to all of you who, true to your mission in this place, “think about the future in unconventional ways” –- it is an honor to be back at the Hudson Institute.

For more than a half a century, this Institute has dedicated itself to “advancing global security, prosperity, and freedom.” And while Hudson’s hometowns have changed over the years, one thing has been constant: You have always advanced that vital truth, that American leadership lights the way.

And today, speaking of leadership, allow me to begin by bringing greetings from a great champion of American leadership at home and abroad –- I bring greetings from the 45th President of the United States of America, President Donald Trump. (Applause.)

From early in this administration, President Trump has made our relationship with China and President Xi a priority. On April 6th of last year, President Trump welcomed President Xi to Mar-a-Lago. On November 8th of last year, President Trump traveled to Beijing, where China’s leader welcomed him warmly.

Over the course of the past two years, our President has forged a strong personal relationship with the President of the People’s Republic of China, and they’ve worked closely on issues of common interest, most importantly the denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

But I come before you today because the American people deserve to know that, as we speak, Beijing is employing a whole-of-government approach, using political, economic, and military tools, as well as propaganda, to advance its influence and benefit its interests in the United States.

China is also applying this power in more proactive ways than ever before, to exert influence and interfere in the domestic policy and politics of this country.

Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States has taken decisive action to respond to China with American action, applying the principles and the policies long advocated in these halls.

In our National Security Strategy that the President Trump released last December, he described a new era of “great power competition.” Foreign nations have begun to, as we wrote, “reassert their influence regionally and globally,” and they are “contesting [America’s] geopolitical advantages and trying [in essence] to change the international order in their favor.”

In this strategy, President Trump made clear that the United States of America has adopted a new approach to China. We seek a relationship grounded in fairness, reciprocity, and respect for sovereignty, and we have taken strong and swift action to achieve that goal.

As the President said last year on his visit to China, in his words, “we have an opportunity to strengthen the relationship between our two countries and improve the lives of our citizens.” Our vision of the future is built on the best parts of our past, when America and China reached out to one another in a spirit of openness and friendship.

When our young nation went searching in the wake of the Revolutionary War for new markets for our exports, the Chinese people welcomed American traders laden with ginseng and fur.

When China suffered through indignities and exploitations during her so-called “Century of Humiliation,” America refused to join in, and advocated the “Open Door” policy, so that we could have freer trade with China, and preserve their sovereignty.

When American missionaries brought the good news to China’s shores, they were moved by the rich culture of an ancient and vibrant people. And not only did they spread their faith, but those same missionaries founded some of China’s first and finest universities.

When the Second World War arose, we stood together as allies in the fight against imperialism. And in that war’s aftermath, America ensured that China became a charter member of the United Nations, and a great shaper of the post-war world.

But soon after it took power in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party began to pursue authoritarian expansionism. It is remarkable to think that only five years after our nations had fought together, we fought each other in the mountains and valleys of the Korean Peninsula. My own father saw combat on that frontier of freedom.

But not even the brutal Korean War could diminish our mutual desire to restore the ties that for so long had bound our peoples together. China’s estrangement from the United States ended in 1972, and, soon after, we re-established diplomatic relations and began to open our economies to one another, and American universities began training a new generation of Chinese engineers, business leaders, scholars, and officials.

After the fall of the Soviet Union, we assumed that a free China was inevitable. Heady with optimism at the turn of the 21st Century, America agreed to give Beijing open access to our economy, and we brought China into the World Trade Organization.

Previous administrations made this choice in the hope that freedom in China would expand in all of its forms -– not just economically, but politically, with a newfound respect for classical liberal principles, private property, personal liberty, religious freedom — the entire family of human rights. But that hope has gone unfulfilled.

The dream of freedom remains distant for the Chinese people. And while Beijing still pays lip service to “reform and opening,” Deng Xiaoping’s famous policy now rings hollow.

Over the past 17 years, China’s GDP has grown nine-fold; it’s become the second-largest economy in the world. Much of this success was driven by American investment in China. And the Chinese Communist Party has also used an arsenal of policies inconsistent with free and fair trade, including tariffs, quotas, currency manipulation, forced technology transfer, intellectual property theft, and industrial subsidies that are handed out like candy to foreign investment. These policies have built Beijing’s manufacturing base, at the expense of its competitors -– especially the United States of America.

China’s actions have contributed to a trade deficit with the United States that last year ran to $375 billion –- nearly half of our global trade deficit. As President Trump said just this week, in his words, “We rebuilt China” over the last 25 years.

Now, through the “Made in China 2025” plan, the Communist Party has set its sights on controlling 90 percent of the world’s most advanced industries, including robotics, biotechnology, and artificial intelligence. To win the commanding heights of the 21st century economy, Beijing has directed its bureaucrats and businesses to obtain American intellectual property –- the foundation of our economic leadership -– by any means necessary.

Beijing now requires many American businesses to hand over their trade secrets as the cost of doing business in China. It also coordinates and sponsors the acquisition of American firms to gain ownership of their creations. Worst of all, Chinese security agencies have masterminded the wholesale theft of American technology –- including cutting-edge military blueprints. And using that stolen technology, the Chinese Communist Party is turning plowshares into swords on a massive scale.

China now spends as much on its military as the rest of Asia combined, and Beijing has prioritized capabilities to erode America’s military advantages on land, at sea, in the air, and in space. China wants nothing less than to push the United States of America from the Western Pacific and attempt to prevent us from coming to the aid of our allies. But they will fail.

Beijing is also using its power like never before. Chinese ships routinely patrol around the Senkaku Islands, which are administered by Japan. And while China’s leader stood in the Rose Garden at the White House in 2015 and said that his country had, and I quote, “no intention to militarize” the South China Sea, today, Beijing has deployed advanced anti-ship and anti-air missiles atop an archipelago of military bases constructed on artificial islands.

China’s aggression was on display this week, when a Chinese naval vessel came within 45 yards of the USS Decatur as it conducted freedom-of-navigation operations in the South China Sea, forcing our ship to quickly maneuver to avoid collision. Despite such reckless harassment, the United States Navy will continue to fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows and our national interests demand. We will not be intimidated and we will not stand down. (Applause.)

America had hoped that economic liberalization would bring China into a greater partnership with us and with the world. Instead, China has chosen economic aggression, which has in turn emboldened its growing military.

Nor, as we had hoped, has Beijing moved toward greater freedom for its own people. For a time, Beijing inched toward greater liberty and respect for human rights. But in recent years, China has taken a sharp U-turn toward control and oppression of its own people.

Today, China has built an unparalleled surveillance state, and it’s growing more expansive and intrusive – often with the help of U.S. technology. What they call the “Great Firewall of China” likewise grows higher, drastically restricting the free flow of information to the Chinese people.

And by 2020, China’s rulers aim to implement an Orwellian system premised on controlling virtually every facet of human life — the so-called “Social Credit Score.” In the words of that program’s official blueprint, it will “allow the trustworthy to roam everywhere under heaven, while making it hard for the discredited to take a single step.”

And when it comes to religious freedom, a new wave of persecution is crashing down on Chinese Christians, Buddhists, and Muslims.

Last month, Beijing shut down one of China’s largest underground churches. Across the country, authorities are tearing down crosses, burning bibles, and imprisoning believers. And Beijing has now reached a deal with the Vatican that gives the avowedly atheist Communist Party a direct role in appointing Catholic bishops. For China’s Christians, these are desperate times.

Beijing is also cracking down on Buddhism. Over the past decade, more than 150 Tibetan Buddhist monks have lit themselves on fire to protest China’s repression of their beliefs and their culture. And in Xinjiang, the Communist Party has imprisoned as many as one million Muslim Uyghurs in government camps where they endure around-the-clock brainwashing. Survivors of the camps have described their experiences as a deliberate attempt by Beijing to strangle Uyghur culture and stamp out the Muslim faith.

As history attests though, a country that oppresses its own people rarely stops there. And Beijing also aims to extend its reach across the wider world. As Hudson’s own Dr. Michael Pillsbury has written, “China has opposed the actions and goals of the U.S. government. Indeed, China is building its own relationships with America’s allies and enemies that contradict any peaceful or productive intentions of Beijing.”

In fact, China uses so-called “debt diplomacy” to expand its influence. Today, that country is offering hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure loans to governments from Asia to Africa to Europe and even Latin America. Yet the terms of those loans are opaque at best, and the benefits invariably flow overwhelmingly to Beijing.

Just ask Sri Lanka, which took on massive debt to let Chinese state companies build a port of questionable commercial value. Two years ago, that country could no longer afford its payments, so Beijing pressured Sri Lanka to deliver the new port directly into Chinese hands. It may soon become a forward military base for China’s growing blue-water navy.

Within our own hemisphere, Beijing has extended a lifeline to the corrupt and incompetent Maduro regime in Venezuela that’s been oppressing its own people. They pledged $5 billion in questionable loans to be repaid with oil. China is also that country’s single largest creditor, saddling the Venezuelan people with more than $50 billion in debt, even as their democracy vanishes. Beijing is also impacting some nations’ politics by providing direct support to parties and candidates who promise to accommodate China’s strategic objectives.

And since last year alone, the Chinese Communist Party has convinced three Latin American nations to sever ties with Taipei and recognize Beijing. These actions threaten the stability of the Taiwan Strait, and the United States of America condemns these actions. And while our administration will continue to respect our One China Policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués and the Taiwan Relations Act, America will always believe that Taiwan’s embrace of democracy shows a better path for all the Chinese people. (Applause.)

Now these are only a few of the ways that China has sought to advance its strategic interests across the world, with growing intensity and sophistication. Yet previous administrations all but ignored China’s actions. And in many cases, they abetted them. But those days are over.

Under President Trump’s leadership, the United States of America has been defending our interests with renewed American strength.

We’ve been making the strongest military in the history of the world stronger still. Earlier this year, President Trump signed into law the largest increase in our national defense since the days of Ronald Reagan -– $716 billion to extend the strength of the American military to every domain.

We’re modernizing our nuclear arsenal. We’re fielding and developing new cutting-edge fighters and bombers. We’re building a new generation of aircraft carriers and warships. We’re investing as never before in our armed forces. And this includes initiating the process to establish the United States Space Force to ensure our continued dominance in space, and we’ve taken action to authorize increased capability in the cyber world to build deterrence against our adversaries.

At President Trump’s direction, we’re also implementing tariffs on $250 billion in Chinese goods, with the highest tariffs specifically targeting the advanced industries that Beijing is trying to capture and control. And as the President has also made clear, we will levy even more tariffs, with the possibility of substantially more than doubling that number, unless a fair and reciprocal deal is made. (Applause.)

These actions — exercises in American strength — have had a major impact. China’s largest stock exchange fell by 25 percent in the first nine months of this year, in large part because our administration has been standing strong against Beijing’s trade practices.

As President Trump has made clear, we don’t want China’s markets to suffer. In fact, we want them to thrive. But the United States wants Beijing to pursue trade policies that are free, fair, and reciprocal. And we will continue to stand and demand that they do. (Applause.)

Sadly, China’s rulers, thus far, have refused to take that path. The American people deserve to know: In response to the strong stand that President Trump has taken, Beijing is pursuing a comprehensive and coordinated campaign to undermine support for the President, our agenda, and our nation’s most cherished ideals.

I want to tell you today what we know about China’s actions here at home — some of which we’ve gleaned from intelligence assessments, some of which are publicly available. But all of which are fact.

As I said before, as we speak, Beijing is employing a whole-of-government approach to advance its influence and benefit its interests. It’s employing this power in more proactive and coercive ways to interfere in the domestic policies of this country and to interfere in the politics of the United States.

The Chinese Communist Party is rewarding or coercing American businesses, movie studios, universities, think tanks, scholars, journalists, and local, state, and federal officials.

And worst of all, China has initiated an unprecedented effort to influence American public opinion, the 2018 elections, and the environment leading into the 2020 presidential elections. To put it bluntly, President Trump’s leadership is working; and China wants a different American President.

There can be no doubt: China is meddling in America’s democracy. As President Trump said just last week, we have, in his words, “found that China has been attempting to interfere in our upcoming [midterm] election[s].”

Our intelligence community says that “China is targeting U.S. state and local governments and officials to exploit any divisions between federal and local levels on policy. It’s using wedge issues, like trade tariffs, to advance Beijing’s political influence.”

In June, Beijing itself circulated a sensitive document, entitled “Propaganda and Censorship Notice.” It laid out its strategy. It stated that China must, in their words, “strike accurately and carefully, splitting apart different domestic groups” in the United States of America.

To that end, Beijing has mobilized covert actors, front groups, and propaganda outlets to shift Americans’ perception of Chinese policy. As a senior career member of our intelligence community told me just this week, what the Russians are doing pales in comparison to what China is doing across this country. And the American people deserve to know it.

Senior Chinese officials have also tried to influence business leaders to encourage them to condemn our trade actions, leveraging their desire to maintain their operations in China. In one recent example, China threatened to deny a business license for a major U.S. corporation if they refused to speak out against our administration’s policies.

And when it comes to influencing the midterms, you need only look at Beijing’s tariffs in response to ours. The tariffs imposed by China to date specifically targeted industries and states that would play an important role in the 2018 election. By one estimate, more than 80 percent of U.S. counties targeted by China voted for President Trump and I in 2016; now China wants to turn these voters against our administration.

And China is also directly appealing to the American voters. Last week, the Chinese government paid to have a multipage supplement inserted into the Des Moines Register –- the paper of record of the home state of our Ambassador to China, and a pivotal state in 2018 and 2020. The supplement, designed to look like the news articles, cast our trade policies as reckless and harmful to Iowans.

Fortunately, Americans aren’t buying it. For example, American farmers are standing with this President and are seeing real results from the strong stands that he’s taken, including this week’s U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement, where we’ve substantially opened North American markets to U.S. products. The USMCA is a great win for American farmers and American manufacturers. (Applause.)

But China’s actions aren’t focused solely on influencing our policies and politics. Beijing is also taking steps to exploit its economic leverage, and the allure of their large marketplace, to advance its influence over American businesses.

Beijing now requires American joint ventures that operate in China to establish what they call “party organizations” within their company, giving the Communist Party a voice –- and perhaps a veto -– in hiring and investment decisions.

Chinese authorities have also threatened U.S. companies that depict Taiwan as a distinct geographic entity, or that stray from Chinese policy on Tibet. Beijing compelled Delta Airlines to publicly apologize for not calling Taiwan a “province of China” on its website. And it pressured Marriott to fire a U.S. employee who merely liked a tweet about Tibet.

And Beijing routinely demands that Hollywood portray China in a strictly positive light. It punishes studios and producers that don’t. Beijing’s censors are quick to edit or outlaw movies that criticize China, even in minor ways. For the movie, “World War Z,” they had to cut the script’s mention of a virus because it originated in China. The movie, “Red Dawn” was digitally edited to make the villains North Korean, not Chinese.

But beyond business and entertainment, the Chinese Communist Party is also spending billions of dollars on propaganda outlets in the United States and, frankly, around the world.

China Radio International now broadcasts Beijing-friendly programs on over 30 U.S. outlets, many in major American cities. The China Global Television Network reaches more than 75 million Americans, and it gets its marching orders directly from its Communist Party masters. As China’s top leader put it during a visit to the network’s headquarters, and I quote, “The media run by the Party and the government are propaganda fronts and must have the Party as their surname.”

It’s for those reasons and that reality that, last month, the Department of Justice ordered that network to register as a foreign agent.

The Communist Party has also threatened and detained the Chinese family members of American journalists who pry too deep. And it’s blocked the websites of U.S. media organizations and made it harder for our journalists to get visas. This happened after the New York Times published investigative reports about the wealth of some of China’s leaders.

But the media isn’t the only place where the Chinese Communist Party seeks to foster a culture of censorship. The same is true across academia.

I mean, look no further than the Chinese Students and Scholars Association, of which there are more than 150 branches across America’s campuses. These groups help organize social events for some of the more than 430,000 Chinese nationals studying in the United States. They also alert Chinese consulates and embassies when Chinese students, and American schools, stray from the Communist Party line.

At the University of Maryland, a Chinese student recently spoke at her graduation of what she called, and I quote, the “fresh air of free speech” in America. The Communist Party’s official newspaper swiftly chastised her. She became the victim of a firestorm of criticism on China’s tightly-controlled social media, and her family back home was harassed. As for the university itself, its exchange program with China — one of the nation’s most extensive — suddenly turned from a flood to a trickle.

China exerts academic pressure in other ways, as well. Beijing provides generous funding to universities, think tanks, and scholars, with the understanding that they will avoid ideas that the Communist Party finds dangerous or offensive. China experts in particular know that their visas will be delayed or denied if their research contradicts Beijing’s talking points.

And even scholars and groups who avoid Chinese funding are targeted by that country, as the Hudson Institute found out firsthand. After you offered to host a speaker Beijing didn’t like, your website suffered a major cyberattack, originating from Shanghai. The Hudson Institute knows better than most that the Chinese Communist Party is trying to undermine academic freedom and the freedom of speech in America today.

These and other actions, taken as a whole, constitute an intensifying effort to shift American public opinion and policy away from the “America First” leadership of President Donald Trump.

But our message to China’s rulers is this: This President will not back down. (Applause.) The American people will not be swayed. And we will continue to stand strong for our security and our economy, even as we hope for improved relations with Beijing.

Our administration is going to continue to act decisively to protect America’s interests, American jobs, and American security.

As we rebuild our military, we will continue to assert American interests across the Indo-Pacific.

As we respond to China’s trade practices, we will continue to demand an economic relationship with China that is free, fair, and reciprocal. We will demand that Beijing break down its trade barriers, fulfill its obligations, fully open its economy — just as we have opened ours.

We’ll continue to take action against Beijing until the theft of American intellectual property ends once and for all. And we will continue to stand strong until Beijing stops the predatory practice of forced technology transfer. We will protect the private property interests of American enterprise. (Applause.)

And to advance our vision of a free and open Indo-Pacific, we’re building new and stronger bonds with nations that share our values across the region, from India to Samoa. Our relationships will flow from a spirit of respect built on partnership, not domination.

We’re forging new trade deals on a bilateral basis, just as last week President Trump signed an improved trade deal with South Korea. And we will soon begin historic negotiations for a bilateral free-trade deal with Japan. (Applause.)

I’m also pleased to report that we’re streamlining international development and finance programs. We’ll be giving foreign nations a just and transparent alternative to China’s debt-trap diplomacy. In fact, this week, President Trump will sign the BUILD Act into law.

Next month, it will be my privilege to represent the United States in Singapore and Papua New Guinea, at ASEAN and APEC. There, we will unveil new measures and programs to support a free and open Indo-Pacific. And on behalf of the President, I will deliver the message that America’s commitment to the Indo-Pacific has never been stronger. (Applause.)

Closer to home, to protect our interests, we’ve recently strengthened CFIUS — the Committee on Foreign Investment — heightening our scrutiny of Chinese investment in America to protect our national security from Beijing’s predatory actions.

And when it comes to Beijing’s malign influence and interference in American politics and policy, we will continue to expose it, no matter the form it takes. We will work with leaders at every level of society to defend our national interests and most cherished ideals. The American people will play the decisive role — and, in fact, they already are.

As we gather here, a new consensus is rising across America. More business leaders are thinking beyond the next quarter, and thinking twice before diving into the Chinese market if it means turning over their intellectual property or abetting Beijing’s oppression. But more must follow suit. For example, Google should immediately end development of the “Dragonfly” app that will strengthen Communist Party censorship and compromise the privacy of Chinese customers. (Applause.)

It’s also great to see more journalists reporting the truth without fear or favor, digging deep to find where China is interfering in our society, and why. And we hope that American and global news organizations will continue to join this effort on an increasing basis.

More scholars are also speaking out forcefully and defending academic freedom, and more universities and think tanks are mustering the courage to turn away Beijing’s easy money, recognizing that every dollar comes with a corresponding demand. And we’re confident that their ranks will grow.

And across the nation, the American people are growing in vigilance, with a newfound appreciation for our administration’s actions and the President’s leadership to reset America’s economic and strategic relationship with China. Americans stand strong behind a President that’s putting America first.

And under President Trump’s leadership, I can assure you, America will stay the course. China should know that the American people and their elected officials in both parties are resolved.

As our National Security Strategy states: We should remember that “Competition does not always mean hostility,” nor does it have to. The President has made clear, we want a constructive relationship with Beijing where our prosperity and security grow together, not apart. While Beijing has been moving further away from this vision, China’s rulers can still change course and return to the spirit of reform and opening that characterize the beginning of this relationship decades ago. The American people want nothing more; and the Chinese people deserve nothing less.

The great Chinese storyteller Lu Xun often lamented that his country, and he wrote, “has either looked down at foreigners as brutes, or up to them as saints,” but never “as equals.” Today, America is reaching out our hand to China. And we hope that soon, Beijing will reach back with deeds, not words, and with renewed respect for America. But be assured: we will not relent until our relationship with China is grounded in fairness, reciprocity, and respect for our sovereignty. (Applause.)

There is an ancient Chinese proverb that reads, “Men see only the present, but heaven sees the future.” As we go forward, let us pursue a future of peace and prosperity with resolve and faith. Faith in President Trump’s leadership and vision, and the relationship that he has forged with China’s president. Faith in the enduring friendship between the American people and the Chinese people. And Faith that heaven sees the future — and by God’s grace, America and China will meet that future together.

Thank you. God bless you. And God bless the United States of America. (Applause.)

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